Trump’s ‘Big Beautiful Bill’ is a far-reaching assault on Utah’s public lands

We need a new vision — one that honors the West’s landscapes as sources of life, identity and economic resilience.

(Francisco Kjolseth | The Salt Lake Tribune) The rising sun lights up the rim above the confluence of the Green and Colorado Rivers marking the start of Cataract Canyon in Canyonlands Utah in mid-October 2021.

When President Donald Trump’s so-called “Big Beautiful Bill” (H.R. 1) passed Congress, its supporters celebrated a sweeping return to “energy dominance.” But buried beneath the headlines is a quiet, far-reaching assault on America’s outdoor recreation heritage — one that puts the $1.2 trillion dollar recreation economy at risk.

The bill calls for oil and gas leasing on hundreds of thousands of acres of beloved trails, climbing areas and paddling routes. From Moab to Montana, from the Rio Grande Gorge to the Wind River Range, our shared public lands are suddenly wide open for drilling — whether we like it or not.

I am a retired park professional with a 43-year career spanning both the National Park Service and Texas Parks and Wildlife. What concerns me is that Section 50101 of H.R. 1 removed the Bureau of Land Management’s (BLM) authority to defer oil and gas lease nominations. That means if an oil company nominates land — even a world-class climbing area or a nationally recognized mountain biking trail — BLM must put it on the auction block, no questions asked. Gone is the agency’s ability to weigh recreational, cultural or ecological values before making decisions. Also gone is meaningful local input from gateway communities, tribes and outdoor users who know these places best.

The scope of what’s now at risk is staggering. A recent review shows that across the Intermountain West, 8,060 miles of hiking trails, 4,525 miles of bikeable singletrack, 396 miles of paddling routes and 928 distinct climbing areas encompassing more than 5,000 routes are newly vulnerable to leasing. These are not anonymous acres in forgotten corners of the map — they are the beating heart of outdoor recreation economies in Utah, New Mexico, Colorado, Wyoming and Montana.

In northern New Mexico, the Rio Grande del Norte National Monument contains some of the most sought-after whitewater and flatwater paddling in the Southwest — not to mention a growing network of hiking and biking trails near Taos.

In Colorado, trails and crags near Durango, Salida and Rifle are now exposed to potential leasing, jeopardizing the very assets that have helped these communities thrive as tourism and outdoor recreation hubs.

In Wyoming, the basecamp town of Lander depends on climbing tourism in Sinks Canyon and Wild Iris. The Wind River Range, an alpine wonderland for backpackers and mountaineers, could see adjacent leasing that would degrade access, viewsheds and water quality.

Montana’s Beartooth Mountains and recreation lands around Livingston, Missoula and Bozeman are all vulnerable, even as communities there double down on sustainable, recreation-driven economies.

Even in places like Moab, which once beat back leasing proposals threatening the famed Slickrock Bike Trail, these protections are gone. If an energy company nominates Slickrock again, BLM is legally required to hold a lease sale. Community voices, local elected officials and even previous decisions won’t matter.

That’s because H.R. 1 also guts the public’s ability to participate in decision-making. It sidelines the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), constrains public comment, and significantly narrows opportunities for legal recourse. In effect, it muzzles Americans who care about their public lands — whether they’re local business owners, elected officials, Indigenous leaders or trail stewards.

This bill betrays the very communities Congress claims to champion. From Gallup to Gunnison, from Laramie to Livingston, public land towns are working hard to diversify away from boom-and-bust extraction. They’re investing in trailheads, bike shops, gear companies, guiding services and local events that bring in sustainable, year-round revenue. Outdoor recreation in the U.S had now become a mainstream economic driver attracting businesses and professionals of all types who want to live near quality outdoor access. But none of that mattered in H.R. 1.

And now the BLM is rushing forward aggressively with rules to implement H.R. 1 that prioritize industry access over public oversight and environmental safeguards. These proposed rules would weaken protections by fast-tracking leasing, eliminating parcel nomination fees and restricting any new protective stipulations — even where new information or multiple uses arise. Most of these new rules take effect immediately, limiting public input on policies that impact public lands and the economies of local communities.

It’s not too late to fix this. Congress must act to restore BLM’s ability to defer leases that threaten high-value recreation and cultural sites. It must protect the public’s voice in decisions that shape the future of our shared lands. And it must recognize that fossil fuel development is not the highest and best use for every acre of public land. We need a new vision — one that honors the West’s landscapes as sources of life, identity and economic resilience. Our trails, rivers, crags and camp grounds deserve nothing less.

(Walt Dabney) Walt Dabney is the retired superintendent of Canyonlands National Park and director of Texas State Parks.

Walt Dabney is the retired superintendent of Canyonlands National Park and director of Texas State Parks.

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